He smiled widely as a J. Cole song played in the background, laughing at some joke as he weighed out half an ounce of weed, a blunt hanging from his lips. However blasé he may seem, counting out dime bags, he is steadfast and serious when he talks about the risks he faces dealing. He dropped his charismatic grin as he talked about his worries about how marijuana legalization will impact his income or legal wellbeing.   

“Back up in California when weed was first legalized in 2016 I saw how quickly the process completely changed the dealing game,” said Short, whose name has been changed to protect his identity. “Immediately small time dealers like me and my friends were cut out so we had to start selling our products for way cheaper in order to compete with dispensaries, which obviously didn’t make us a whole lot of cash.”

While the recent news about New York State’s decision to start penning legislation to legalize and decriminalize cannabis may seem like a victory for users, some individuals, like Short,  believe that the start to this legislation may not be a reason to celebrate just yet. As of today, the legislation is not formalized. Meaning while there are laws in place protecting those who possess smaller amounts of marijuana won’t be arrested, those who deal in large quantities illegally are not protected. And those who currently illicitly deal don’t think they have the means or support to transition to distributing weed legally.

“It seemed like it was so impossible for people who had been dealing illegally to start joining the legal process of distribution,” said Short. “It was clear to me that only people who were already wealthy had the ability to acquire the permits and stuff that would allow them to open up shop and that was just something myself and my homies couldn’t afford to do.”

Current laws, some activists believe, still over-police cannabis users and dealers especially if they are people of color. Currently, Black and white individuals use marijuana at the same rate, but Black individuals are four times more likely to be arrested for a cannabis-related crime.

Once the legislation was announced on March 31, the NYPD was given blanket instructions to stop arresting individuals for marijuana use or possession, however they can still issue arrests for drivers who are under the influence, or individuals with intent to distribute cannabis, but only if they also have large amounts of cash with them.

“At any given time I could have up to seven years prison time in my backpack,” said  Short. “I have been dealing ever since I moved here from California a couple years back, and it is my only source of income at the moment.”

Short works with an underground marijuana distribution service. 

“It’s kind of like Doordash but for weed,” he said . 

The service allows users anywhere in the city to text a number for a daily “menu” of cannabis products – ranging from flower, to edibles to dab cartridges. 

Each day the delivery personale, in this case Short, goes to a main distribution center to pick up a daily supply of product. Then, throughout the day Short and the other delivery personnel will receive text messages with addresses for delivery and will serve customers. 

“Because of the distribution and intent to distribute law, we can’t carry any cash with us. It is a  huge liability,” he said. So the service he works for deals solely with virtual transactions through apps like Venmo or Cashapp. “That has made it a bit trickier because now we can’t hide behind the anonymity of cash, so all our transactions are digitally logged and we could get in trouble for mass distribution of a still unregulated product.”

While decriminalization and legalization of marijuana is a big step in restorative justice – especially if New York State expunges the records of those with petty marijuana related arrest records – there are still obstacles in the way of those who want to get involved legally in the cannabis industry.

Another dealer, Marcus Smith (name changed for anonymity), works on a much smaller scale than Short. He and a few friends of his get their cannabis shipped directly from California. and distribute on a much smaller scale. He said he is really interested in continuing to work with marijuana, but the requirements needed to sell legally are nearly impossible for people like him.

“I’m a Black man in Bedstuy with two prior arrests,” said Smith. “There is no way they are gonna give me a license to sell and even if I can get my records erased, purchasing a legal selling license, getting a storefront, finding distributors is impossible for someone like me who doesn’t have the connections or the money to do that. So it is looking like I’ll just have to keep selling illegally, even though I don’t want to.”

A similar issue occurred in both Colorado and California when both states independently legalized marijuana distribution and consumption. 

“I had been trying to get my marijuana license for so long when weed was legalized in 2016, but it seemed impossible,” said Reese Benton, owner of Posh Green Retail in San Francisco, California. Posh Green Retail is the first Black-female owned and operated cannabis dispensary in the city and just recently had its grand opening on April 20. 

“The licensing process was so convoluted and so expensive and there were so many times I just wanted to give up my dream,” she said. 

But Benton said that all changed in 2018 when California enacted the Cannabis Equity program which gives licensing priority to those who had been affected by drug-related arrests or incarceration. Benton’s father served time for marijuana distribution when she was in high school, so this meant she would be eligible for the equity program. 

“Everything changed for me right then and there,” Benton said. “I was able to get some financial help, people to help me with my licensing process and just a couple of weeks ago I finally opened up shop.” 

While New York state legislators continue to hash out the details of the bill, many remain cautiously optimistic that the state will adapt similar record expunging and equity programs other states have. 

“I just hope that I can continue to break through and do what I know best,” said  Smith. “And I hope that I can do it legally, and I hope that people like me are included in the conversation while this law continues to get written, because my people are the ones who have been hurt the most by the criminalization of this plant.”

The post Obstacles remain for Black and Brown cannabis users despite efforts to legalize appeared first on Pavement Pieces.

“You could argue we are now past the plateau and we are starting to descend,” said Governor Andrew Cuomo in today’s press conference. “Hospitalization numbers are down. We were hovering around 18,000, We are now at 16,000, almost 17,000.”

New York continues to be the hardest-hit state, followed by New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Michigan, which are also believed to have passed their peak of infections. However, Governor Cuomo warns the danger in New York has not passed.

“Happy days are not here again,” said the governor. “We still have about 2,000 people since yesterday who were new admissions to a hospital or new COVID diagnosis.” 

And yesterday 540 people died in the state. 

As many states have started to prepare for a cease of the lockdown, Cuomo called out for help to the federal government in order to start planning for the future. 

Since the federal government is regulating the distribution of chemical reagents necessary for testing suspected cases of infection, Cuomo asked for the state to be moved up the supply chain. He said the state needs a partnership with the federal government and financial relief.

“If you want us to reopen, we need funding,”  Cuomo said 

Governor Cuomo said he asked the federal government to move New York State up the supply chain for testing equipment. Photo: courtesy of governor.ny.gov

But Trump said that is already happening  The federal government sent 1.5 million cloth masks to the state to be distributed to the public.

“My administration has been speaking frequently with many of the governors to help them find and unlock the unused testing capacity that exists in their states,” said Trump.

As hundreds of citizens have taken the streets to protest the lockdown in different states, the president announced some states have advised non-essential businesses to prepare for a phased opening starting May 1st or even sooner.

“Texas and Vermont will allow certain businesses to open on Monday while still requiring appropriate social distancing,” said Trump.

Given how the curve of infection in each region of  New York State has developed, Cuomo said the state’s approach to ending the lockdown will be different.

“When we look at this state and we talk about reopening, we are going to talk about different strategies in different parts of the state,” said Cuomo.

The post New York’s numbers are decreasing, but “happy days are not here yet” appeared first on Pavement Pieces.

Amid crowds of shoppers out to plan their holiday meals, Tim Tonjes and his wife Mary tend their stall at the Saturday Union Square Greenmarket. Customers buying bottles of cherry and raspberry yogurt drink from Tonjes Farm Dairy may not realize that the couple drive over two hours from Calicoon, NY, to sell their products.

“We end up being the farmer, the dairyman, the processor, distributor, marketer, the whole thing,” said Tonjes, 57. “It’s a lot of work, but we’re small, a family farm.”

Dairy represents 51 percent of agricultural receipts in the state, according to Bruce Krupke, Executive Vice President of the Northeast Dairy Association.

“And agriculture is the largest industry of the state,” said Krupke. Despite the importance of dairy farming, farmers like Tonjes struggle to make ends meet.

But a small activist organization is seeking to reframe the struggles of dairy farms, and connect them with something seemingly worlds away – the prison industry.

“Demand a new urban-rural relationship” is the slogan of Milk Not Jails, an organization focused on the future of both dairy and prisons. Tonjes Dairy Farm is a partner of the organization, which believes that rural areas have seen a decline in dairy farms and a simultaneous expansion of prison facilities.

“We know that before the correctional officers put on the correctional suit, they had farmer suits,” said Tychist Baker, 36, co-founder of Milk Not Jails. Baker, from Brooklyn, spent time in prison before becoming a community activist.

“We are a dairy marketing and distribution co-operative and we are a political campaign building an alliance for a sustainable and just regional economy,” states the organization’s website. Among other things, the group advocates an end to criminal justice practices that they believe unfairly target minorities, resulting in racial disparities in prisons. The group also believes that with consumer and government support, the rural economy would not have to rely on prisons.

Tom Toigo of Ronnybrook Farm Dairy, a third generation family farm in the Hudson Valley. Photo by Julia Shu

Tonjes said his involvement with Milk Not Jails came from a desire to increase his sales, not out of interest in their advocacy. His products are distributed by Milk Not Jails, expanding the reach of his business. Tonjes Farm Dairy originally only produced milk, but now processes yogurt and cheese to compensate for unpredictable milk prices.

“Making cheese and processing our own just helps us even it off,” he said.

Ronnybrook Farm Dairy is another partner of Milk Not Jails, a larger company with commercial success. Tom Toigo, who helps to sell Ronnybrook products at the GreenMarket, was pleased his farm got involved with Milk Not Jails. But he believes the best strategy for a small dairy is to specialize.

“The way in our region that agriculture tends to survive is people tend to find little niches, that’s kind of the way to do it,” Toigo said.

Baker’s goals for Milk Not Jails are focused on system-wide reform.

“The prison system is very racist,” said Baker. He believes the fact that most people in prisons are black men is a sign of an institution in need of transformation, a transformation that could encourage more understanding between urban and rural areas. According to the organization, 90 percent of the state’s prisons are in rural New York, even though the vast majority of people in prison come from New York City.

Milk Not Jails also advocates a continuation of the New York Farmland Protection Program, and passing policies to increase farm food in public schools. Through partnering with dairy farms, the organization gains their public endorsement. In return, Milk Not Jails markets their products at farmers markets and through a co-op distribution throughout the city.

In fact, in New York State over the last few decades, most new prisons have been constructed in rural counties, according to a study by The Sentencing Project.

Milk Not Jails wants to change that.

“The Milk Not Jails brand of products is an alternative economic relation built to demonstrate that rural New York does not have to be dependent on the prison industry,” says the organization’s policy agenda.

But outside of Milk Not Jails, some believe the connection between New York dairy farms and prisons is a stretch.
Max Kenner, Executive Director of the Bard Prison Initiative, said that while there is undoubtedly a connection between the rise of the prison industry and the demise of agriculture, one should approach the organization with some skepticism.

“I think the folks at Milk Not Jails are naïve about dairy farming,” he said.

From the perspective of the Northwest Dairy Association, the organization draws more than just skepticism.
“The connection is so far out that we’re not taking it seriously,” said Krupke of the link between dairy and prisons. “Their effort is interesting, but it’s not something that’s got much traction at all.”
Either way, small dairy farms are still left with few options.

“It’s a tough way to make a buck. We work very hard at it, we don’t make very much money,” Toigo said, “If you’re a mainstream dairy farm selling milk to the cooperative, you have to be very big, you have to have a lot of cows, in order to be viable.”

For now, Tonjes Farm Dairy is surviving against the odds as a small operation. Tonjes is a second-generation dairy farmer, and hopes his kids will take an interest in the business. But over the years, he has witnessed the decline of the industry.

“When I started I think there were about 30,000 farms in New York, now there are about 4,500,” he said, “There’s still a lot of milk in New York, but the number of farms has just decreased.”

Despite the ideas advocated by Milk Not Jails, he isn’t sure what the best change in the future would be.

“I have no answer other than doing what I’m doing. I take my products right to consumers and that’s it,” he said.

The post For struggling small dairy farms, a unique new partnership – prison reform appeared first on Pavement Pieces.

Monica Hunken, of Brooklyn, leads a chant outside of Long Island City’s DEC building calling for a statewide ban on hydraulic fracturing. Photo by Alyana Alfaro

When Eileen Hamlin first moved to her property in rural Kirkwood, N.Y. almost 30 years ago, she never imagined her 26-acre property—complete with a freshwater pond, a patch of woods and home to a family of red fowls—could become a drilling site for natural gas.

Now, as Governor Cuomo’s decision on hydraulic fracturing or fracking— looms Hamlin, 77, says she is worried for the area she and her husband, John, have called home since 1981.

“We expected to be able to live here and age in place as they say,” Hamlin said. “That apparently is not to be if the Governor allows fracking here.”

Fracking, or hydraulic fracturing, is the process of drilling and injecting fluids into the ground at high pressures in order to fracture shale rocks and release natural gas to be used as energy. While no definitive studies have been done, fracking has been linked to health and environmental concerns in many areas and the possible decision to bring fracking to New York has been especially controversial.

After over 4 years of indecision on the topic—and a moratorium in place that continues to put off the decision—if a pronouncement on fracking is not made by Cuomo and the Department of Environmental Conservation by Feb. 27, the issue will once again be up for review and will remain in contention, leaving homeowners like Hamlin, who rely on wells for drinking water, unsure of what the future holds.

“What they are trying to do here is drill in neighborhoods where there are a lot of houses,” Hamlin said. “Some engineers told us that about 10 percent of the water comes back so that water is not like golf course water that just goes in the soil, it is deep in the Earth. It is trapped. What is left down might seep out of the cracks in the shale and pollute our aquifers.”

With the upcoming government decision, the past two weeks have been a time of action for New York’s anti-fracking initiative. Rallies, such as one organized on Feb. 6 outside the Long Island City offices of the DEC, have happened all over New York State urging the government to officially reject fracking.

Dave Publow , 46, attended the DEC rally with members of his organization, Occupy the Pipeline. For Publow, the water contamination issues associated with high-pressure fracturing are what have driven him to make a “pledge of resistance” to resort to whatever means necessary to block fracking if it is put into practice in New York. The pledge, which is an initiative of the group Don’t Frack New York, has over 6,500 signatures statewide.

“If they do try to frack, we will block them,” Publow said. “We will use civil disobedience if we have to and we will not allow them to frack in this state.”

FrackingNY_1-2

Protester Monica Hunken rallies the crowd.

Vera Scroggins, 62, lives in Susquehanna County, Pa., one of the regions with the most natural gas drilling in the United States. Scroggins gives what she calls “citizen tours” of her area to show visitors what it is like to live in a region where fracking is a major industry.

“I show people from all over the world and New York in particular what it is like to live with fracking and near fracking in our neighborhoods and our countryside,” she said. “I take them out for about four hours or more and show them the different stages all the way from the drilling, to the the fracking, to the flares.”

For Scroggins, while fracking has been economically beneficial to the Pennsylvania economy, the risks are not worth the rewards.

“I see a lot of polarity, a lot of conflicts in our area,” Scroggins said. “People take sides, those who want it badly, those who don’t want it, those who are in the middle. We have a very polarized society now and community.”

For Hamlin, whose property is surrounded on three sides by land that is leased and zoned for fracking, the Governor’s decision may change her life forever.

“I cannot tolerate having well pads on two or three sides of my property,” she said. “I don’t like the idea of the animals I see on my property or the birds hurt and I don’t care to have my house made worse because Governor Cuomo decides to go through this.”

Hamlin, though she says she loves her area, said she would probably relocate if the moratorium on fracking was lifted.

“I am very saddened about it because I don’t like the idea of having to give up my home,” she said. “I really feel like we are being invaded by this industry.”

The post With fracking decision looming, New Yorkers worry about water appeared first on Pavement Pieces.